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چاپ مقاله ISI

DR. Majid Aghlmand

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عنوان فارسی:
زبان مردم خوب یا ترکیبی بی مغز: نگرش های زبانی و درک گفتار ترکیبی اوکراینی-روسی در کیف

عنوان انگلیسی:

The Language of Good People or a Brainless Mixture: Language Attitudes and Perception of Mixed Ukrainian-Russian Speech in Kyiv

The present study offers an examination of the attitudes and perceptions of mixed Ukrainian-Russian speech, commonly labeled as Surzhyk, of residents of Kyiv. Bilaniuk (2005, 2016), among others, views Surzhyk as both a linguistic and ideological phenomenon, with structural linguistic foundations (Flier, 1998; Del Gaudio, 2010; Kent, 2010; Masenko, 2011), as well as strong ideological foundations (Romanova et al, 2006; Moser, 2016). Lambert (1967), Bilaniuk (2005), and Preston (2010) have shown that stereotypes about groups of people, such as speakers of mixed varieties, can be expressed through attitudes about speakers' use of language. As well, Preston (1989, 1998, 2002, 2011) argues that the perceptions and attitudes of non-linguists are critical to understanding language varieties. Because of its ideological nature, what is considered Surzhyk is likely best identified from non-linguists, rather than linguists. This dissertation presents the findings of three studies conducted on the responses to a language survey. The survey was made up of four parts: 1) demographic and language background questions, 2) self-reported situational language use questions, 3) a series of audio samples followed by language identification and scalar questions about the speakers, and 4) open-ended questions about respondent perceptions of mixed speech.
The initial study involved a quantitative analysis of responses to the survey. First, was an analysis of language perception and identification results, to determine if respondents would identify speech as Surzhyk. While some respondents did identify mixed speech as Surzhyk, the majority identified the speech as conversational Ukrainian. Second, was an analysis of the scalar evaluation questions about the speakers to identify respondents’ implicit language attitudes. The results show that for all respondents, the more non-standard the speech, the more negatively it was evaluated, particularly for Superiority attributes. However, the overall judgements are not strongly negative.
The second study consisted of a qualitative analysis of responses to the survey. This involved a content analysis of the open-ended answers to direct questions on attitudes and perceptions of language mixing in Kyiv and Surzhyk, in order to understand respondents’ explicit language attitudes. A number of themes were derived from the results indicating strongly negative attitudes towards mixing and Surzhyk among all respondents, very closely mirroring ideological stigmatization found in academic literature. Answers focused on the “badness” of non-standard speech, and of speakers’ lack of education.
In addition, two smaller studies were conducted. One was a quantitative analysis of respondent self-reported language use, which found that respondents generally used more monolingual speech in close contexts, and more multilingual speech in distant contexts. The second was a linguistic analysis of the speech in the conversation samples, comparing the speech to descriptions of Surzhyk in previous literature. The purpose of these were to provide a better understanding of contextual language practices among respondents, and to better understand which linguistic aspects respondents might react to in identifying language and evaluating speakers.


عنوان فارسی:
رسانه به عنوان سایت ایدئولوژی های زبانی: تحلیل اقتصادی سیاسی سیاست های زبانی در مقررات رسانه ای اوکراین

عنوان انگلیسی:

Media as a Site of Language Ideologies: Political Economic Analysis of Language Policies in the Ukrainian Media Regulation

The issue of language policies in Ukraine gained prominence in 2014 when Russia launched an armed aggression against this Eastern European country at the pretext that language rights of its Russian-speaking citizens were violated. Three language laws in particular caused outrage of the Kremlin, and all of them were related to the media. These laws include the 2016 law, “On Amendments to Certain Laws of Ukraine Concerning a Share of Musical Works in the State Language in Programs of TV and Radio Organizations,” the 2017 law, “On Amendments to Certain Laws of Ukraine Concerning the Language of Audiovisual (Electronic) Mass Media,” and the 2019 law, “On Ensuring the Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as the State Language.” While language policies in Ukraine have been studied by Ukrainian and international scholars, most of their research focused on education and public administration. Additional research of the media is necessary, recognizing their place in a modern society. Media create informed citizenry in a democracy and affect meaning-making of their consumers. They are also a part of the economic market. By regulating media, a state sets up conditions for a media system that would meet its economic, political, social, and ideological goals. Therefore, by examining language policies in media regulation, this study set out to better understand processes taking place in the society. To achieve this goal, the following research questions were posed: What were the reasons for creating policies regulating language use in the media? What were the goals of the policies? What are the results of the policies? Did the policies accomplished what they were supposed to do and why? If not, what are the alternatives?
The primary theoretical foundation was in the political economy of media, which recognizes a dual nature of media in a capitalist democracy as a source of information and a profit-generating industry. Using political economy allowed for a comprehensive analysis of the studied social phenomenon. In addition, theories of media regulation were used to analyze principles applied by the Ukrainian state to govern media systems. This research also operated with the concepts of language ideologies, practices, and policies, borrowing from the fields of sociolinguistics and rhetorical theory, as well as studies of nationalism.
Methods of research included historical analysis, policy analysis, and semi-structured in-depth interviews. As Ukraine is transitioning from a totalitarian state to a capitalist democracy, historical analysis was used to study political, economic, and social factors that contributed to the development of Ukraine’s media regulation and language use. Policy analysis focused on the review of the 2016-2019 language policies affecting media and the public discourse around them. An important part of the study included interviews with Ukrainian media workers and policymakers. Interview participants reflected on the reasons, goals, results, and effectiveness of the language policies in the media, as well as their alternatives. Their thoughts provided a much-needed insiders’ perspective on media regulation in Ukraine.
The research showed that the 2016-2019 language policies in the media were caused by a rapid transition of Ukraine from a republic in a totalitarian state with a dominant Russian culture to a capitalist democracy based on a Ukrainian nation state. Ambiguous language policies in the media allowed for an unrestricted use of any language while declaring Ukrainian the official state language, thus maintaining stability in the de facto bilingual country. Commercialization and consolidation of the media led to capturing of the media by oligarchs who favored Russian products and had cultural and business ties with Russia. When territorial integrity of Ukraine was threatened by the Russian aggression, the state tightened language policies to strengthen the country’s national identity. Thus, the goals of the language policies in the media were to secure the dominant status of the Ukrainian language as a critical element of the nation state by opening the media market for and popularizing media content made in Ukrainian and/or in Ukraine. These goals were partially achieved as Ukrainian became more prominent in the media, but reforms are slowed down by the resistance of large media owners. Russian aggression essentially ruled out alternatives to current media policies. Considering the success of media quotas and the current government’s commitment to language policies despite lobbying efforts of the oligarchs, the language provisions in the media regulations analyzed will likely endure.
Based on the research findings, recommendations for policymakers and media workers include continued support to the policies, focus on localism and public media, open discussion of language ideologies, and protection of journalism.


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